The highest degree in the Scottish Rite of Freemasonry.
The degree at which all points of the universe collide.
The divine name Elohim appears 33 times in the story of creation in the opening chapters of Genesis.
Lag Ba’omer is a minor Jewish holiday which falls on the 33rd day of the Omer
Jesus’s age when he was crucified in 33 A.D.
According to Al-Ghazali the dwellers of Heaven will exist eternally in a state of being age 33.
Jesus performed 33 recorded miracles
Islamic prayer beads are generally arranged in sets of 33, corresponding to the widespread use of this number in dhikr rituals. Such beads may number thirty-three in total or three distinct sets of thirty-three for a total of ninety-nine, corresponding to the names of God.
33 is not only a numerical representation of “the Star of David,” but also the numerical equivalent of AMEN: 1+13+5+14=33.
Trinity was the code name of the first detonation of a nuclear weapon, conducted by the United States Army as part of the Manhattan Project. Two hundred miles south of Los Alamos at 5:29:45 a.m. on July 16, 1945.
The first atomic bomb was dropped by a United States aircraft on the Japanese city of Hiroshima. The 33rd President Harry S Truman, announced the news from the cruiser, USS Augusta, in the mid-Atlantic, saying that the device was more than 2,000 times more powerful than the largest bomb used to date.
The bomb was dropped from an American B-29 Superfortress, known as Enola Gay, at 0815 local time. The plane’s crew say they saw a column of smoke rising and intense fires springing up. I have created the following meyes which are self-explanatory and show the significance of the number 33.
El año 1 de este calendario es la Hégira, cuando Mahoma huyó de La Meca a medina, el 16 de julio de 622, según el calendario gregoriano. En cuanto al judaísmo, la historia oficial le atribuye la versión final de este calendario al sabio Hilel II, en el año 359 de la era cristiana.
La última aparición de la Virgen a santa Bernardita en Lourdes
julio 10, 2024
El 16 de julio constituye una fecha importante en la historia de Lourdes, así como para los católicos del mundo entero. En 1858, la Virgen María se apareció por última vez aquel día a Bernardita Soubirous en la Gruta de Massabielle. Este acontecimiento tuvo una repercusión profunda y duradera, haciendo de Lourdes un lugar de peregrinación mayor en el que cada año se reúnen millones de fieles.
Las Apariciones de Lourdes
Entre el 11 de febrero y el 16 de julio de 1858, Bernardita Soubirous tuvo la gracia de contemplar a la Madre de Dios en dieciocho ocasiones.
Durante la última aparición, la Virgen no habló, pero, según Bernardita, estaba más bella que nunca.
Este acontecimiento marcó el territorio de Lourdes en la historia como un lugar de gracia y curación.
Procesiones y peregrinaciones
A partir de estas apariciones, Lourdes se ha convertido en un lugar internacional de peregrinación. El 16 de julio, los peregrinos pueden participar en diferentes actividades del Santuario y vivir una jornada de oración y paz.La procesión de las antorchas, que clausura la jornada de los peregrinos, es un momento de recogimiento y oración en el que miles de velas iluminan la noche, simbolizando la luz de la fe y la esperanza. Este momento de devoción intensa está acompañado por cánticos y oraciones, lo que genera una atmósfera de profunda espiritualidad y comunión.
Un día para renovar nuestra fe
Para los incontables peregrinos, el 16 de julio es más que una simple conmemoración histórica; es una oportunidad para renovar su fe y buscar la curación física y espiritual.
Lourdes es famosa por sus múltiples curaciones milagrosas. Además, muchos fieles vienen para lavarse con el agua de la Gruta, tal y como hizo Bernardita cuando la Virgen se lo propuso el 25 de febrero de 1858: «Vaya a beber y a lavarse en la fuente». La última aparición de la Virgen a santa Bernardita, aquel 16 de julio de 1858 en Lourdes, es un hecho central en la vida de la Iglesia católica y continúa inspirando a las nuevas generaciones de creyentes. Las procesiones y las peregrinaciones que se celebran por este motivo dan testimonio del fervor religioso y la profunda fe de los peregrinos. Lourdes sigue siendo un faro de devoción mariana, un lugar en el que la espiritualidad se manifiesta en todo su esplendor y diversidad. De este modo, cada 16 de julio, los corazones y espíritus de los fieles convergen hacia la Gruta de Lourdes, celebrando el mensaje de amor y paz de la Virgen María y renovando su compromiso en la fe y la oración.
Among the elegies for the inhabitants of Hiroshima, there exists an especially arrestingand resonant example authored by an Australian poet.
Reflecting on the impact of the blast on one of its young victims, Bruce Dawe recounted the morning of August 6, 1945, when a "single plane loosed a single bomb" and the city below — but also the very prospect of posterity — "became suddenly phantasmal".
A suspected "human shadow" left by the vaporisation of a person at Hiroshima. (Wikimedia Commons: Matsuhige Yoshito)
When humans first split atoms, they also split history.
"The atomic bomb," wrote its chief developer, the physicist J. Robert Oppenheimer, "has led us up those last few steps to the mountain pass; and beyond there is a different country".
That different country is the age in which we now live.
Among the chroniclers who described its dawn were some astute enough to notice that fission had produced unforeseen fissures: with the advent of the bomb, human knowledge itself seemed to fracture, with science on one side and conscience on the other.
Oppenheimer was perhaps an exception to this dichotomy, and combined academic interests from both sides of the divide — erudite, sensitive and cultured, he was, in some respects, an unlikely atomic father figure.
Oppenheimer's name is currently on many a movie-goer's lips, thanks to Christopher Nolan's latest effort to render physics a suitable subject for the big screen.
Cillian Murphy stars as the eponymous central character in the Christopher Nolan movie Oppenheimer. (Supplied: Universal)
But one episode absent from the blockbuster is the meeting, with an Australian scientist, that got Oppenheimer involved with the bomb in the first place.
'The birth of the Manhattan Project'
History teems with chance encounters — instances in which human atoms collide with other human atoms, sometimes causing chain reactions.
The meeting between Oppenheimer and Adelaide-born physicist Mark Oliphant in California, in September 1941, was one such moment.
Oliphant pictured during his September 1941 trip to Berkeley, where he met with Oppenheimer and Lawrence. (Donald Cooksey/Public domain)
Fremantle-based historical researcher and geoscientist Darren Holden, who has investigated the encounter in detail, notes that it was the Australian, not the American, who instigated it.
"Oliphant's meeting brought in Oppenheimer who had, up until then, been part of the chorus line of theoretical physicists and had certainly not been involved in any applied bomb research," Dr Holden wrote in a research paper on the subject.
"Oliphant shifted Oppenheimer from the shadows of theory and into the light of practicality, and thus began his passage towards his place in history."
Darren Holden has investigated the meeting between Oliphant and Oppenheimer, and its role in the Manhattan Project. (Supplied)
By 1939, scientists were aware not only of the latent power of the atom, but of the possibility of a bomb: after the discovery of fission by chemists in Germany and physicists in Denmark and Sweden, a letter signed by Einstein was sent to US President Franklin Roosevelt, warning of unprecedented and "extremely powerful" weapons.
The following year, another major breakthrough occurred when two of Oliphant's colleagues at the University of Birmingham — Jewish refugees Otto Frisch and Rudolf Peierls — demonstrated the feasibility of a "super-bomb" using the isotope uranium-235, rather than the more plentiful but far less fissile uranium-238.
"They came up with the uranium-235 critical mass equations, that show that a nuclear bomb with uranium would be able to be constructed and able to be transported by aircraft," Dr Holden said.
Armed with this knowledge, Oliphant left Britain for America in 1941.
Amid concerns that Nazi Germany could develop such a weapon, and worried that nuclear research was languishing in the UK, he took matters into his own hands.
"He decided that he needed to act, and – I believe – without authority, in order to convince the Americans. He needed an ally," Dr Holden said.
That ally was experimental physicist Ernest Lawrence, whom Oliphant met in Berkeley with the intention of involving America — then still a neutral nation — in Allied efforts to produce a bomb.
J. Robert Oppenheimer several years after the Berkeley meeting with Oliphant. (Wikimedia: Ed Westcott/US Government)
It was Lawrence who sought the assistance of Oppenheimer, by asking him to "check the numbers" in the Frisch-Peierls paper.
"It was essentially at that point that Oppenheimer was brought in," Dr Holden said.
"It's from that moment we can really see a reinvigoration [in nuclear research], and the birth of what became the Manhattan Project."
Remorse or pride?
The physicists who built the first nuclear weapons became, in the public imagination, demigods who had unlocked a fundamental secret of the universe to end a world war.
"Oppenheimer became a pin-up boy of American science after the war," Dr Holden said.
In books and films, there has been a tendency to depict Oppenheimer as a tortured soul. (Supplied: Universal)
But literary voices – especially those who specialised in the depiction of dystopias — were among the first to articulate the moral magnitude of what had changed.
"The nuclear scientist will prepare the bed on which [humankind] must lie," Aldous Huxley stated in a 1946 foreword to Brave New World.
George Orwell was more mordant. In a post-war essay, the future author of Nineteen Eighty-Four offered words of caution about where science untempered by moral considerations might lead:
"A mere training in one or more of the exact sciences … is no guarantee of a humane or sceptical outlook. The physicists of half a dozen great nations, all feverishly and secretly working away at the atomic bomb, are a demonstration of this."
A popular theory persists that the physicists who devised and developed the bomb were racked with guilt.
Photo shows An image combining a portrait of CSIRO scientist Hedley Marston with a photo of a nuclear test.
Hedley Marston was, in many respects, an establishment man — but when he began studying nuclear fallout from British bomb tests at Maralinga, he became incensed.
But did they really regret their involvement? Was Oppenheimer, as two of his biographers have called him, an "American Prometheus"? And to what extent is the label "Australia's Oppenheimer" a fitting description of Oliphant?
In Oliphant's case, the evidence points in different directions.
Dr Holden notes that Oliphant and Oppenheimer continued to collaborate after the war, but on a cause very different to the one that had occupied them in 1941.
"[They] worked together to try and convince the governments of the world, and the United Nations, to ban atomic weapons for everybody," he said.
Nevertheless, less than 50 years after Hiroshima, the putatively pacifist Oliphant (by then Sir Mark) remained sufficiently pleased with his work on the bomb to write a letter to The Advertiser newspaper in 1986 in which he championed the British contributions to the Manhattan Project.
In an incisive evaluation of Oliphant's legacy, Dr Holden has argued that the physicist was "naive to assume" that wartime scientific gains "would be utilised in peacetime only for the greater good", and that Oliphant "remained proud rather than remorseful of his time at the Manhattan Project".
"It is overly simple to consider that it was scientists' remorse — of the part they played in creating atomic weaponry — that drove them to enter the postwar atomic science peace movement," Dr Holden has written.
Oliphant, Oppenheimer and the dozens of other physicists and chemists involved in the construction of the bomb thus remain ambiguous figures in the history of scientific research.
Their proximity to what was one of the most intensive, elaborate, formidable and destructive engineering endeavours ever undertaken perhaps denied them the kind of perspective afforded to non-scientists like Bruce Dawe, whose poem (quoted above) on the shadow of a Japanese child "blasted upon" a surface at Hiroshima ends with these words:
"In your blackened absence, this stencilled outline on the wall haunts us all with its unending play."
Pope Francis waves to the crowd from the Speakers Balcony at the US Capitol, September 24, 2015, in Washington, DC. Pool/Getty Images
If President Barack Obama had delivered the text of Pope Francis’s speech to Congress Thursday as a State of the Union address, he would have risked being denounced by Republicans as a socialist.
While most Republicans chose not to complain, and Democrats tried not to gloat, Francis’s speech to Congress was stunning in the breadth, depth, and conviction of its progressivism. That might not have been fully and immediately appreciated by everyone in the House chamber because the combination of Francis’s sotto voce delivery and his heavily accented English made it difficult, lawmakers said, to grasp everything he was saying.
But there was no mistaking his thrust. He made detailed arguments for openness to immigrants, addressing the human roots of climate change, closing the gap between the rich and the poor, and ending the death penalty — all of which invigorated the Democrats in the room.
“It was pretty progressive. He had a little right-to-life stuff in it,” Rep. James Clyburn, the third-ranking House Democrat, said as he cracked a smile thinking about how Republicans would receive the speech. “That’s enough for them.”
The pope isn’t going to change many hearts and minds in the badly divided Congress, lawmakers said, but the moment provided a brief respite from political warfare. Several presidential candidates, including Sens. Bernie Sanders, Lindsey Graham, Marco Rubio, and Ted Cruz, as well as Ben Carson, attended.
Rubio, a Roman Catholic, said in a brief interview that Francis “struck the right tone.” Sanders, a self-described socialist, seemed to like the content even more.
“Pope Francis is clearly one of the important religious and moral leaders not only in the world today but in modern history,” he said in a statement released after the speech. “He forces us to address some of the major issues facing humanity: war, income and wealth inequality, poverty, unemployment, greed, the death penalty and other issues that too many prefer to ignore.”
Democrats were eager enough to present Congress as united that they joined a Republican-led standing ovation when Francis told lawmakers of “our responsibility to protect and defend human life at every state of its development.” Several of them said it was out of respect for the pope. But there was another good reason: It strengthened the perception that the whole speech — most of which they liked — carried unifying themes.
Unity was good for Democrats because the speech favored their policies
Francis was interrupted a few times by whoops from the Democratic side of the chamber — by Steve Cohen, a Jewish Memphis Democrat who got excited about Francis’s mention of the Golden Rule; by New York’s Nydia Velázquez when he called for an end to the death penalty; and by Philadelphia Rep. Chaka Fattah when he mentioned his upcoming visit to that city. The Republicans in the room were a bit more staid. Cruz often appeared unmoved during moments when Rubio, who was sitting nearby, applauded. That was the case when Francis asked whether the greater opportunities sought by past generations of immigrants are “not what we want for our own children?”
It was a home crowd. Rep. Paul Gosar (R-AZ) had announced he would boycott the event over climate change, and there was a brief murmur when it became obvious that three conservative Catholic Supreme Court justices — Antonin Scalia, Samuel Alito, and Clarence Thomas — had not shown up. But it seemed that everyone in attendance just wanted to catch a glimpse of Francis and hear what he had to say.
Big-name guests filed into the public galleries above the House chamber long before the pope’s arrival: Former House Speaker Newt Gingrich, former Rep. Gabby Giffords, mega-donor Tom Steyer, and Carson. House members filled the seats in their chamber, followed by the Senate and four Supreme Court justices. At about a minute past 10 am, Francis strode down the center aisle of the House chamber, clad in his familiar white robe and skullcap.
Lawmakers, who had been admonished not to touch the pope, refrained from trying to shake his hand or pat his back. There was no rush to crowd him the way members of Congress try to get into pictures with the president during the annual State of the Union address. When he got to the end of the aisle, he quietly shook hands with Secretary of State John Kerry and then made his way to the rostrum.
Samantha Power, the US ambassador to the UN, pulled out a baby blue iPhone and began snapping pictures. Though she later took to Twitter to commemorate the moment, Power hadn’t posted any of her photos by midday.
For his part, Francis warmed up the audience by describing America as “the land of the free and the home of the brave.” He was slow to move into more politically charged territory but unimpeded when he did. There were 10 standing ovations after his initial greeting, and they were bipartisan.
Francis tackled tough issues at the heart of the US political debate and gently admonished lawmakers to build bridges
At times, Francis seemed to be speaking directly into the headlines and newscasts of the day.
Less than a week after Carson said that America shouldn’t elect a Muslim president, Francis warned that “a delicate balance is required to combat violence perpetrated in the name of a religion, an ideology or an economic system, while also safeguarding religious freedom, intellectual freedom and individual freedoms.”
As Republican presidential frontrunner Donald Trump promises to build a wall between Mexico and the US, and to prevent Syrian refugees from being admitted to America, Francis compared the current refugee crisis to the one that arose in World War II and said that “we the people of this continent are not fearful of foreigners, because most of us were once foreigners.” That drew a standing ovation. Rubio, who has shifted his emphasis on immigration reform over time, leaped to his feet.
And while Democrats continue to bask in this summer’s Supreme Court decision protecting same-sex marriage, the pope said he was concerned that “fundamental relationships are being called into question, as is the very basis of marriage and the family.” The issue that caused the biggest stir before the speech — climate change — factored prominently in Francis’s remarks. He spoke of the human roots of global warming and said, “I am convinced we can make a difference.”
But perhaps the most unexpected run in the speech was an admonishment as gentle as it was clear: Politics is about building bridges, not destroying them. Francis never mentioned the international nuclear nonproliferation deal with Iran by name or the gridlock in American politics, but he seemed to be speak to both matters.
“When countries which have been at odds resume the path of dialogue — a dialogue which may have been interrupted for the most legitimate of reasons — new opportunities open up for all,” he said. “A good political leader is one who, with the interests of all in mind, seizes the moment in a spirit of openness and pragmatism. A good political leader always opts to initiate processes rather than possessing spaces.”
Pennsylvania Republican Rep. Joe Pitts, speaking about the pope’s limited remarks on abortion and same-sex marriage, said he was displeased that Francis had been “unfortunately politically correct.”
For liberals, though, he was simply correct about politics.
Pope Francis waves to the crowd from the Speakers Balcony at the US Capitol, September 24, 2015, in Washington, DC. Pool/Getty Images
If President Barack Obama had delivered the text of Pope Francis’s speech to Congress Thursday as a State of the Union address, he would have risked being denounced by Republicans as a socialist.
While most Republicans chose not to complain, and Democrats tried not to gloat, Francis’s speech to Congress was stunning in the breadth, depth, and conviction of its progressivism. That might not have been fully and immediately appreciated by everyone in the House chamber because the combination of Francis’s sotto voce delivery and his heavily accented English made it difficult, lawmakers said, to grasp everything he was saying.
But there was no mistaking his thrust. He made detailed arguments for openness to immigrants, addressing the human roots of climate change, closing the gap between the rich and the poor, and ending the death penalty — all of which invigorated the Democrats in the room.
“It was pretty progressive. He had a little right-to-life stuff in it,” Rep. James Clyburn, the third-ranking House Democrat, said as he cracked a smile thinking about how Republicans would receive the speech. “That’s enough for them.”
The pope isn’t going to change many hearts and minds in the badly divided Congress, lawmakers said, but the moment provided a brief respite from political warfare. Several presidential candidates, including Sens. Bernie Sanders, Lindsey Graham, Marco Rubio, and Ted Cruz, as well as Ben Carson, attended.
Rubio, a Roman Catholic, said in a brief interview that Francis “struck the right tone.” Sanders, a self-described socialist, seemed to like the content even more.
“Pope Francis is clearly one of the important religious and moral leaders not only in the world today but in modern history,” he said in a statement released after the speech. “He forces us to address some of the major issues facing humanity: war, income and wealth inequality, poverty, unemployment, greed, the death penalty and other issues that too many prefer to ignore.”
Democrats were eager enough to present Congress as united that they joined a Republican-led standing ovation when Francis told lawmakers of “our responsibility to protect and defend human life at every state of its development.” Several of them said it was out of respect for the pope. But there was another good reason: It strengthened the perception that the whole speech — most of which they liked — carried unifying themes.
Unity was good for Democrats because the speech favored their policies
Francis was interrupted a few times by whoops from the Democratic side of the chamber — by Steve Cohen, a Jewish Memphis Democrat who got excited about Francis’s mention of the Golden Rule; by New York’s Nydia Velázquez when he called for an end to the death penalty; and by Philadelphia Rep. Chaka Fattah when he mentioned his upcoming visit to that city. The Republicans in the room were a bit more staid. Cruz often appeared unmoved during moments when Rubio, who was sitting nearby, applauded. That was the case when Francis asked whether the greater opportunities sought by past generations of immigrants are “not what we want for our own children?”
It was a home crowd. Rep. Paul Gosar (R-AZ) had announced he would boycott the event over climate change, and there was a brief murmur when it became obvious that three conservative Catholic Supreme Court justices — Antonin Scalia, Samuel Alito, and Clarence Thomas — had not shown up. But it seemed that everyone in attendance just wanted to catch a glimpse of Francis and hear what he had to say.
Big-name guests filed into the public galleries above the House chamber long before the pope’s arrival: Former House Speaker Newt Gingrich, former Rep. Gabby Giffords, mega-donor Tom Steyer, and Carson. House members filled the seats in their chamber, followed by the Senate and four Supreme Court justices. At about a minute past 10 am, Francis strode down the center aisle of the House chamber, clad in his familiar white robe and skullcap.
Lawmakers, who had been admonished not to touch the pope, refrained from trying to shake his hand or pat his back. There was no rush to crowd him the way members of Congress try to get into pictures with the president during the annual State of the Union address. When he got to the end of the aisle, he quietly shook hands with Secretary of State John Kerry and then made his way to the rostrum.
Samantha Power, the US ambassador to the UN, pulled out a baby blue iPhone and began snapping pictures. Though she later took to Twitter to commemorate the moment, Power hadn’t posted any of her photos by midday.
For his part, Francis warmed up the audience by describing America as “the land of the free and the home of the brave.” He was slow to move into more politically charged territory but unimpeded when he did. There were 10 standing ovations after his initial greeting, and they were bipartisan.
Francis tackled tough issues at the heart of the US political debate and gently admonished lawmakers to build bridges
At times, Francis seemed to be speaking directly into the headlines and newscasts of the day.
Less than a week after Carson said that America shouldn’t elect a Muslim president, Francis warned that “a delicate balance is required to combat violence perpetrated in the name of a religion, an ideology or an economic system, while also safeguarding religious freedom, intellectual freedom and individual freedoms.”
As Republican presidential frontrunner Donald Trump promises to build a wall between Mexico and the US, and to prevent Syrian refugees from being admitted to America, Francis compared the current refugee crisis to the one that arose in World War II and said that “we the people of this continent are not fearful of foreigners, because most of us were once foreigners.” That drew a standing ovation. Rubio, who has shifted his emphasis on immigration reform over time, leaped to his feet.
And while Democrats continue to bask in this summer’s Supreme Court decision protecting same-sex marriage, the pope said he was concerned that “fundamental relationships are being called into question, as is the very basis of marriage and the family.” The issue that caused the biggest stir before the speech — climate change — factored prominently in Francis’s remarks. He spoke of the human roots of global warming and said, “I am convinced we can make a difference.”
But perhaps the most unexpected run in the speech was an admonishment as gentle as it was clear: Politics is about building bridges, not destroying them. Francis never mentioned the international nuclear nonproliferation deal with Iran by name or the gridlock in American politics, but he seemed to be speak to both matters.
“When countries which have been at odds resume the path of dialogue — a dialogue which may have been interrupted for the most legitimate of reasons — new opportunities open up for all,” he said. “A good political leader is one who, with the interests of all in mind, seizes the moment in a spirit of openness and pragmatism. A good political leader always opts to initiate processes rather than possessing spaces.”
Pennsylvania Republican Rep. Joe Pitts, speaking about the pope’s limited remarks on abortion and same-sex marriage, said he was displeased that Francis had been “unfortunately politically correct.”
For liberals, though, he was simply correct about politics.